China Versus the West: The Global Power Shift of the 21st Century

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The bank chose these states , all with promising outlooks for investment and future growth, on 12 December Asia's growth is not guaranteed. Its leaders will have to manage multiple risks and challenges, particularly:. Despite forecasts that predict the rising economic and political strength of Asia, the idea of an Asian Century has faced criticism. This has included the possibility that the continuing high rate of growth could lead to revolution, economic slumps , and environmental problems , especially in mainland China.

However some proponents of the Asian Century respond that since the two most populous countries China and India are in Asia then it's only natural that they will play a bigger role in the world's affairs than smaller countries and thus it won't be a multipolar century.

China versus the West: the global power shift of the 21st century

Finally, although the British Empire was a superpower during the nineteenth century, controlling nearly a quarter of the world's area and population, during the 20th century there was still a balance of political power with the British and other European colonial empires from until , and with the US and the Soviet Union from until Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Asia Cooperation Dialogue.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. See also: Potential superpowers. Further information: World population. Main article: Economy of Asia. Further information: Culture of Asia. East Asia Summit. Free trade areas.

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Global Power Shifts, China and the Future of Democracy

Views Read Edit View history. The US remains the most powerful nation in the world, using not only its military and economic might but also its soft power to shape the world order. A Chinese scholar admitted that China may one day overtake the US in the size of economy but may never overtake the influence and leadership role of the US in the world Xue, Li, The traditional Chinese system as a hierarchy was in contrast to the Westphalian principles and could not automatically transform into modern discursive power Wang, Yiwei, Unable to construct an alternative order, China has insisted on the Westphalian principles, which looked attractive to many countries in an era of intense interventionism by the US that often ended in chaos and chronic instability within those countries affected.

One reporter took a note that at the 60th anniversary of the Bandung Conference, the meeting that gave birth to the Five-Principles of non-intervention, only two notable leaders bothered to turn up.

One was President Xi, who used the occasion to portray China as the well-meaning leader of the non-western world. The other was Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who suggested that the threat to the sovereignty of smaller countries no longer came from the west Bowring, Philip, Second, even in the Asia Pacific region, achieving dominance cannot be a serious Chinese objective because of the presence and influence of the US, Japan, and other regional powers. While China is rising, many surrounding states are also on the rise. The 21st century has seen a multipolarity rather than Chinese hegemony in the region.

In East Asia, the old rule that economics determines politics lost effectiveness because nearly all these countries closely worked with China economically but aligned with the US in security and politics and welcomed and even invited the US to balances the growth of Chinese power Yang, Zhizhen, Historically, to bandwagon with a rising power is common practice due to potentially great relative gains. The most successful rising powers have been precisely the ones that have attracted the greatest number of bandwagoners Schweller, Randall, China cannot rise successfully without winning the support of its neighbors or at least preempt their balancing motives.

Third, China has benefited and continues benefiting from the Post-WWII order underpinning stability and economic growth in the world and the region.

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Residing in a neighborhood with complicated power competition and historical animosities, Chinese leaders have to be measured and judicious. It is the erosion of Asia, at least as an idea, as rivalries within geographic Asia overtake the notion of regional cohesion that once bound these countries together. China often expresses concern over the US—Japan alliance. Yet the alliance is part of the regional security architecture that has underpinned the stability in East Asia and prevented a potential remilitarization of Japan.

Fourth, facing immense internal huddles in its rise, China is a fragile rising power with profound internal causes of concerns that have the potential to derail its rise. The era of superior Chinese economic performance is over, exacerbated by the environmental destruction, rampant corruption, a growing gulf between rich and poor, huge local government debt, and looming demographic challenges that are worsened by the fact that it would be the first country to get old before it gets rich.

To ensure its further rise, China must put its own house in order first. As a result, although the rise of China has caused concerns in the US and other parts of the world that China is to assert itself in its region and further afield and become a revolutionary power to undermine the existing world order, China is still abided largely by the established rules of the world order, engaging in reforms to revise rather than rewrite the norms and principles.

The differences between China and the US are not primarily over the principles of the world order but whether China has obtained the prestige and position of authority commemorating with its rising power status. China and may remain so if it is given more room as a rule-maker, in conjunction with the other powers, to reform the existing order, better reflecting its enhanced power and interests. Cohen,Jerome A. Ikenberry, G.